Two
standing committees were created for the 2011 session. I served as
a member of the minority on both committees. I only served as a
substitute on the Committee on Constitutional Review &
Statutory Recodification. The Constitutional Review part of its
duties was superfluous: every committee is responsible for
upholding the state and federal constitutions. The Statutory
Recodification part was an interesting idea which the standing
committee appointed in 2011 was totally unequipped to deal with.
(The current set of law books, the Revised Statutes Annotated, has
been in place since 1955.)
Past
legislatures have had standing committees with names like
Constitutional Revision or Statutory Revision. It might be
worthwhile having a committee which handles all the proposed
constitutional amendments and which also works on recodifying the
law books. Even though the constitution is only rarely amended,
there are enough CACR's introduced every session to keep a
committee busy.
I
was a member of the Petitions & Redress of Grievances
Committee throughout its first (and quite possibly only) two years
of existence.
The
rule (Rule #30-q) which created the Redress of Grievances
committee needs to be changed. It gave too much unilateral power
to the Chair. It gave no guidance on how to dispose of the
petitions, and the procedure we actually followed violated Mason's
Manual (Rule #148) as well as the House's own "custom,
usage and precedent." Rule
30-q also paradoxically gave the committee too much power and not
enough: we were basically empowered to do just about everything
but consider actual legislation.
I
would like to propose the following change to the House Rule which
created this committee:
(q)
It shall be the duty of the Committee for Petitions and Redress of
Grievances to consider petitions submitted to the House pursuant
to Part I, Articles 31 and 32 of the New Hampshire Constitution.
All petitions to the House must be submitted by one or more
members of the House, on behalf of one or more residents of New
Hampshire, and must deal with a topic of general public interest.
The committee shall refer petitions to the appropriate policy
committee when and if there appear to be feasible legislative
remedies. The committee shall also deal with all matters related
to appeals processes for federal, state, county and municipal
government agencies; and such other matters as may be referred to
it.
Service
on the Redress Committee was a frustrating experience and many
members gave up on the committee. A few of those absentee members
simply never showed up; however most of them took their committee
assignment seriously at first, but sooner or later got fed up.
It
was unclear what our powers were, and there were many months
during which time we accomplished little if anything. Indeed, in
our first year of existence, we disposed of exactly one petition.
Petition #1 took two months to get out of the way even though the
sponsor admitted about 5 minutes into the initial hearing that the
ostensible complainant, the Hudson School District, had never
asked him to bring the petition. By the time our hearings began in
earnest, in the summer of 2011, it was already too late to
introduce legislation to deal with the problems described in our
petitions, since the filing window for the 2012 session closed on
June 8, 2011.
Our
chair was a very good person and a very good state representative—
but he made several major mistakes.
Firstly,
he ran the committee for the benefit of the petitioners. This led
in many cases to repetitive hearings which dragged on for hours,
and to proceedings which dragged on for many months. In one case,
he even let the sponsor of a petition run the meeting. The
committee was encouraged to take a one-sided view of the petitions
we were reviewing: we forgot that we were to serve all the parties
involved in these cases, not just the petitioners.
Secondly,
he failed to keep the committee focussed on doable legislative
remedies. We had a number of petitions where we were asked to
consider remedies which were unconstitutional, illegal and/or
infeasible.
Thirdly,
there was a severe lack of quality control at every step of the
committee's legislative process (insofar as there was any process
at all.) At the very beginning of that process, several petitions
had blatant errors: for example, many names were misspelled,
including in one case the name of a complainant. Our petitioners'
supporting documentation was often illegible, irrelevant and/or
incomplete. More than once, petitioners went away from our
proceedings with a severe misunderstanding of what had or had not
been accomplished. For example, one petitioner announced on his
blog that we had impeached several judges when we had done nothing
of the sort. Even at the end of the process, several of our
committee reports were erroneous.
Also,
a problem which I myself contributed to was that the committee
publicized all sorts of personal information which should not have
been publicized.
Most
of the petitioners, and even some members of the committee,
thought we could retry the petitioners' court cases. This is a
power which the legislature simply does not have. Even in the
years before the Merrill vs. Sherburne decision in 1818, the
legislature (at least, according to those old journals I have
looked at) did not retry cases: instead, they passed resolutions
urging the courts to retry certain cases.
The
General Court does have the power to impeach judges and other
officials but this is rarely used. No judge should ever be
impeached simply for making decisions which displeased the losing
side— especially not when those decisions were never overturned
by a higher court and/or when those decisions were made in
accordance with all applicable laws and court rules.
The
Redress of Grievances committee was the brainchild of legislators
who think the New Hampshire supreme court decision Merrill
v. Sherburne, 1 N.H. 199 (1818) was
the worst mistake in the history of our state's judiciary. In the
early days of the committee, we were given a thick packet of
historical documents, but those documents all predated the War of
1812. Everything that happened after the 1810s was considered
irrelevant to our work. This was a huge frustration for those
members (like myself) who look first to the 20th
and
19th
centuries
before turning to the 18th
century
for guidance on how to solve the problems of 21st-century New
Hampshire.
Petitions
continued to be part of the General Court's traditions throughout
most of the two centuries between Merrill vs. Sherburne and the
founding of the Redress of Grievances Committee. For many decades,
petitions were used as a means of expressing concern about a
specific issue. Such petitions were filed typically on behalf of
one or more citizens, sometimes on behalf of one or more
municipalities, and occasionally on behalf of corporations,
advocacy groups, etc. These were referred to a specific policy
committee. As recently as 1945, a House petition was used as the
vehicle for studying a major scandal at the state's Old Soldiers
Home. Well into the 1960s, the House and Senate considered
resolutions "in favor" of redressing specific
individuals's grievances.
I
have not examined every old House Journal, but I have looked at
quite a few. It appears that the committee of Redress of
Grievances as such never existed until 2011. For a short period
(apparently) ending in 1817, the House and Senate both had
standing committees "for
new trials, or restoration to law." This was before Merrill
vs. Sherburne, and this was also several years before the House
adopted the current system of standing policy committees in the
mid-1820s. Before 1824, there were only a few standing committees,
which all dealt with routine business rather than policy issues.
Even
though the Petitions & Redress of Grievances Committee's first
term was far from successful, I think the committee could still be
valuable. The State Constitution does guarantee citizens the right
to petition their legislature, and a dedicated petitions committee
would be a useful resource to supplement the other policy
committees. I would recommend continuing the committee with
different rules and procedures. Going forward, the committee's
hearings ideally should be limited in scope to determining which
policy committee should get the petition and to giving that
committee some basic guidance on what issues to concentrate on.
Policy committees should (as they did in the past) have the option
of not taking any action at all on petitions. When they do take
action, committees should not be afraid to say "No." One
of the biggest difficulties the Redress Committee ran into during
2011-2012 was that there were many new members (myself included,
since I was in my second term) who didn't always appreciate that
the legislature can (and often does) legitimately say "No"
to good ideas. The Redress Committee ended up approving several
very questionable petitions simply because the petitioners may
have incidentally referred in passing to issues of legitimate
concern.
The
petitioners understandably appreciated the opportunity to have
open-ended discussions of their cases. However, this was not
necessarily a good use of the members' time, nor was this fair to
the other parties to those cases. Ironically, though not
surprisingly, some of the most convincing presentations were given
by the sponsors and petitioners who spoke for the shortest time.
Finally,
I wish to address two other issues before the Rules Committee.
Firstly, I agree that House's own "custom,
usage and precedent" should
move ahead of Mason's Manual in the order of sources of authority.
Secondly, I think the gun rules need to be tightened up— a lot.
The Newtown, Connecticut shootings angered my community even more
than others, since one of the children who was murdered has roots
in Durham. Six-year-old Benjamin Wheeler's father is Durham native
David Wheeler, who was a good friend of mine back when we were
attending to the local schools.
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